R.K. Raghavan
Two U.S. Supreme Court decisions have led
to a virtual moratorium on executions in that country and reopened the
debate on the death penalty.
…death penalty, like limb-chopping or stoning, is a morally outrageous
practice whatever its deterrent effect: it reduces society to the
ethical level of the murderer. In a society that aspires to be moral
and just, there is no room for such a state-sanctioned uncivilised
practice.
Allan C. Hutchinson,
Harvard Law School
…the evidence of a variety of types – not simply the quantitative
evidence – has been enough to convince me that capital punishment does
deter and is worth using for the worst sorts of offences.’
Gary Becker, Nobel Laureate
(Economics, 1992)
To many of us it may seem hackneyed. The debate whether capital
sentence should remain on the statute book or not has, however, not
wholly lost its relevance because we are still witness annually to
thousands of murders and do not know how to bring down the figure even
marginally. Homicide is naturally a favourite subject among criminal
justice scholars across the globe, especially those in the United
States, a country that in 1972 gave up state-sanctioned killings of
peop le convicted of murder, only to return to it within four years.
Scholars are, however, sharply divided over the wisdom of persevering
with what on the face of it is a barbaric practice.
As the debate goes on, there are new entrants from time to time. The
latest are economists, a class whom we would normally not associate
with a problem that is generally looked upon as the concern solely of
families of victims, policemen, prosecutors, judges, criminologists,
sociologists and human rights activists. None of the latter may strike
ready empathy with economists. Nevertheless, economists bring a certain
refreshing approach that is so badly needed because both protagonists
and opponents of the death penalty have run out of ideas and trot the
same grounds for either its continuance or abolition.
Another new group of entrants is legal scholars, who had hitherto taken
a detached and academic view of the situation and were content with the
mere semantics of the law and not its morality or effectiveness.
According to a recent New York Times report (November 18), some
economists believe that by persisting with the execution of murderers a
substantial number of homicides are prevented. The ratio of 1:3-18 is
quoted. I do not know how this formula has been arrived at. The fact
that one could be worked out at all is a revelation of sorts, something
that we should not ignore. The pack of economists who are convinced
that the death penalty deters prospective murderers is led by Gary
Becker, who won the Nobel Prize for Economics in 1992.
After conceding that empirical evidence is no doubt not decisive, he
somehow comes to the conclusion that we better have the death penalty,
in the hope that it would deter at least those who commit the most
heinous of offences. He probably had in mind serial killers of young
women or children, a category of offenders who had no compunction at
all.
Gary Becker receives support from Professors Cass R. Sunstein of the
University of Chicago Law School and Adrian Vermeule of the Harvard Law
School. Writing in Stanford Law Review (2005) they said: “... the
recent evidence of a deterrent effect from capital punishment seems
impressive”, and added: “Those who object to capital punishment, and
who do so in the name of protecting life, must come to terms with the
possibility that the failure to inflict capital punishment will fail to
protect life.”
An exactly opposite point of view comes from John J. Donohue III, a Law
Professor at Yale with a doctorate in Economics, and Justin Wolfers, an
Economist at the University of Pennsylvania. In their brilliant essay,
carried by the Stanford Law Review, again in 2005, they described the
present evidence of deterrence of capital punishment as “fragile”. They
were slightly derisive of the “econometric sophistication” of those in
the opposite camp. In their view, it is “intuitive plausibility” that
should take precedence in research design and analysis of a problem
that is part of public policy.
Addressing the economic question behind the whole debate, Prof. Wolfers
was positive that capital sentence is too expensive to persist with.
This stand is supported by the fact that an execution for murder is
preceded by incredibly prolonged litigation that involves huge costs
for both the prosecution and defence. The Donohue-Wolfers analysis ends
with a reference to how murder rates in Canada and the U.S. run
parallel, although the last time Canada ever executed a prisoner was in
1962.
SUPREME COURT DECISIONS
The New York Times report comes against the backdrop of two recent U.S.
Supreme Court decisions which have imposed a near countrywide
moratorium on executions. The first of these was on September 25 when
the court allowed a constitutional challenge to the protocol for
administering lethal injections to a convict. This was a reference from
Kentucky involving two convicts, Ralph Baze (49) and Thomas Bowling
(52), on the death row for more than a decade, both for separate double
murders. While Ralph Baze killed a Sheriff and his deputy while they
were serving warrants on him in 1992, Thomas Bowling murdered a husband
and wife outside their dry-cleaning store in 1990.
The two appealed against the death sentence awarded to them on the
grounds that the lethal injection by which they were to be executed was
a “cruel and unusual punishment” prohibited by the Constitution. The
appeals were turned down successively by a State Judge in 2005 and the
Kentucky Supreme Court the following year after obtaining medical
opinion. The latter went to the extent of saying that the Constitution
did not envisage a “complete absence of pain” to the prisoner during
execution.
(Incidentally, the changeover from traditional hanging, electrocution
or lethal gas was effected first by Texas in 1982, followed by
California in 1996, which was responding to a Federal Judge’s ban on
the use of the gas chamber. At present, 28 States use lethal injection,
while Nebraska alone resorts to electrocution.)
The Baze-Bowling ruling of September this year was followed by a
similar one on October 30 when the U.S. Supreme Court stayed the
execution of a Mississippi prisoner, Earl W. Berry, who is on death row
for killing a woman 20 years ago. This was a dramatic intervention
indeed, just 19 minutes before the execution that had been set for 6
p.m. on that day. It is significant that Berry got a fortuitous
reprieve from the same court that had earlier turned down two of his
appeals.
In all probability, it was the Supreme Court’s ruling in the Kentucky
cases that came to Berry’s rescue. In the appeal filed on October 29,
Berry’s lawyers were for the first time disputing the constitutional
correctness of the procedure adopted in administering the injection.
The Kentucky prisoners and Berry were taking advantage of a finding
that the injection was after all not painless. It is known that such an
injection uses three chemicals: sodium thiopental to induce
unconsciousness, pancuronium bromide to cause muscle paralysis and
potassium chloride to stop the heart.
In some instances of inadequate administration of sodium thiopental, it
was possible that the chemical’s anaesthetic effect could wear off
before the heart stopped. Amnesty International refers to the case of a
Florida convict in which this actually happened.
It will not be until next spring when the Supreme Court rules on the
constitutionality of the current procedures relating to lethal
injection. In the meantime, no State may be expected to go ahead with
an execution. In fact, there have been only 42 executions during 2007,
against an average of more than 300 a year since capital punishment was
restored in 1976. Experts believe that those opposed to the death
penalty will take advantage of the current lull and further intensify
their campaign.
What do all these happenings in the U.S. mean to us in India? Let us
not take the lofty stand that these are not relevant. The U.S. Supreme
Court’s ruling next year in the Baze-Bowling case should throw up some
ideas even if it upholds capital punishment and the lethal injection.
The moral of the whole story is that we need to be conscious all the
time as to how we treat our convicts, especially those on whom a death
sentence has been imposed. If we cannot make our prisons more civilised
than they are now, let us at least not inflict pain on those who are
locked up there. Civil society in the country must be more active than
they are now in order to ensure this. Meanwhile, those like me who are
against the death penalty will continue to strive towards its
abolition. We may not succeed. We will at least have tried.
http://www.frontline.in/stories/20071221507811700.htm
Copyright © 2007, Frontline.