A
law alone isn't enough to make the State stop playing torturer ...
It is der ayad, but exactly how durust ayad, we can't yet say. It's
good that after 11 years of dithering the government has actually
drafted the Prevention of Torture Bill, 2008. It's taken all this time
since India signed the United Nations Convention against Torture and
Cruel, Inhuman and Degrading Punishment. The draft bill prescribes a
maximum punishment of 10 years to police and other government servants
responsible for causing grievous hurt or danger to the life, limb or
health of any person. The proposed legislation is quite wide in its
scope, covering torture on the grounds of race, religion, place of
birth, residence, language, caste and community. Public servants
torturing anybody for extracting information or extra-judicial
confession will be punishable under the proposed legislation.
Inflicting mental torture would also become punishable.
The draft meets internationally recognised standards of human rights
and civilised jurisprudence, but requires really independent panels
committed to investigating complaints with a great deal of rigour, as
custodial torture situations rarely have independent eyewitnesses.
Moreover, state agents are smart enough to tamper with procedure and
record through skilful means, for instance by wrongly entering the
date, time and place of arrest. Though independent central and state
panels have been promised to go with the proposed law, the record of
the national and state human rights commissions has been none too
bright, as they remain piled with backlogs and nearly always ready to
wash their hands of cases, most frequently on the grounds that the
judiciary is already engaged with the matter. We wish things to come
out right on this score, but what about the more ingenious and
insidious ways of torture we keep on witnessing in India?
Torture in India often comes in the garb of 'the law following its
course'. Ask young lovers who elope to marry, defying stifling social
taboos of caste and religion. In a usual pattern across India, the
enraged clan lodges a case of abduction, and the police then hound the
couple. This in itself is torture enough, but many times the police
recover the couple and hand them back to the clan. The girl is then
either tortured by the clan to backtrack, or either the girl or the boy
or both are murdered in the name of honour. The cases of honour killing
are plain enough for a judicial reprisal against the members of the
murdering family, but nothing happens to the police personnel who hand
the couple over to them following 'perfect' legal procedure. And
certainly no remedy is available if the girl backtracks before a
magistrate—forced by the threat that lurks in the background. I know of
an even more insidious case where the powerful lawyer father-in-law of
a boy who had eloped got one of his shady clients to lodge a false case
of dacoity against the boy in a place in the back of the beyond that he
had never visited. When the colluding police did not find the falsely
accused, they arrested his brother, who had no hand in the marriage/
elopement. Both the brother and, subsequently, the boy spent months in
jail before the chief minister of the state was made to intervene by
some activist.
It is also not just a class thing. It is more systemic. The system, or
more precisely, the government of the day, inflicts such insidious
torture even against high-profile human rights defenders or even
non-activist people with a successful career who dare defy the system
willingly or accidentally. Take for instance Dr Binayak Sen, the human
rights defender from Chhattisgarh who has been charged with being a
courier for the Naxalites on the so-called evidence of meeting an
ailing Naxal prisoner several times, even though he met him each time
as part of his job as a physician and a human rights activist, with
proper official permission and under official supervision.Evidences and
non-official witnesses are collapsing in the case, but the trial will
take years and Sen has already spent nearly two year in jail as bail is
not easy under special security laws. The NHRC shirks action on the
ground that the case is sub judice. Even if Sen walks free at the end
of it all, who would account for the long torture he underwent?
Madhu Trehan has now documented the similarly long torture inflicted by
the government of the day on Shankar Sharma and Devina Mehra for being
the financers of Tehelka, whose sting exposed corruption in the system.
They were not even regular activists but went through an endless ordeal
of false cases, police raids, interrogations and jail. Unless the
officials who collude in such seemingly lawful torture of innocents in
the name of duty are held accountable, any law would be inadequate.
http://www.outlookindia.com/full.asp?fodname=20090302&fname=Column+Neelabh+%28F%29&sid=1
©
Outlook Publishing (India) Private Limited.