A political snub yet again for ASI.
The National Democratic Alliance
government did it-undermining the autonomy of a scientific department
called the Archaeological Survey of India. The United Progressive
Alliance has compounded it by withdrawing a scientific body's opinion
on a matter on which it is eminently competent, and statutorily
obliged, to give its view.
The issue began with two petitions before the Supreme Court, one filed
by Janata Party leader Subramaniam Swamy and the other by one Rama
Gopalan. Both pleaded that the Sethusamudram project would destroy the
Rama Setu (also called Ramar Sethu and Adam's Bridge), believed to have
been built by Lord Rama. Citing mythology, and a few NASA photographs
interpreted by Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) as evidence, the petitioners
wanted the setu to be declared a protected monument under the Ancient
Monuments and Archaeological Sites and Remains Act of 1958.
In its counter affidavit, the Archaeological Survey of India said that
the Rama Setu is a natural phenomenon, and that all characters and
events in mythologies cannot be construed as historically true. The
affidavit enraged VHP activists. BJP leader L.K. Advani met Union Law
Minister H.R. Bhardwaj and asked him to withdraw the affidavit which
was "questioning the faith of millions of Hindus". The next day,
Bhardwaj offered to withdraw the affidavit averring that "the Central
government has total respect for all religions, and Hinduism in
particular". Even the Left parties supported the government's move. The
government suspended two ASI officials and ordered an inquiry. Said an
archaeologist: "Everybody seems to be reacting on the basis of
television headlines and newspaper reports. Nobody appears to have read
the affidavit."
THE WEEK tried to get the views of superintending archaeologists from
various circles of ASI. Though all of them initially held that there
was no need to question the existence of Rama, none of them found
anything objectionable in it once they had read the affidavit. Nowhere
in the affidavit had the ASI said that Lord Rama did not exist. It had
merely said that as a scientific body, the ASI could not accept
mythology "as historical record to incontrovertibly prove the existence
of the characters, or the occurrence of the events, depicted therein".
The science of archaeology, the ASI said, requires "tangible material
evidence" before it declares any mythological story as true history. As
pointed out by eminent historian D.N. Jha, who was also critical of the
affidavit till he read it, "this is what any archaeologist would write.
The ASI had taken a very sensible position in this."
The issue before the ASI, archaeologists point out, was whether the
Rama Setu was a man-made structure and, if so, whether it should be
protected as a national (archaeological) monument, as the petitioners
had demanded.
As pointed out in its affidavit, the ASI deals only with man-made
structures. However, it had reports prepared by similar scientific
organisations like the Geological Survey of India which "confirmed that
there were no indications or evidences of man-made structures on the
present-day seabed or on the subsurface level...". The ASI was also
aware of the study by Space Application Centre, Ahmedabad, to establish
whether Rama Setu was man-made. "The study concluded that Adam's Bridge
is not a man-made structure, but actually comprised of [sic] 103 small
patch reefs lying in a linear pattern with reef crest, sand cays and
intermittent deep channels. The linearity of the bridge suggests an old
shoreline from where coral reef evolved."
So it did not fall within the purview of the ASI's protection. "It
could still be protected as natural biosphere or as a geological
phenomenon," said Dr Laxman Thakur, professor of history in Himachal
Pradesh University, and editor of Studies in Humanities & Social
Sciences at the Indian Institute of Advanced Study. "But not as an
archaeological monument."
The petitioners had relied completely on mythology, and a NASA
photograph, which had been printed on VHP's booklets and leaflets, to
contend that Rama Setu was a man-made structure. The ASI contended that
the accuracy of "contents of mythological texts... is largely
unascertainable."
Thakur would not dismiss mythology as pure fiction. "Some characters
could be historical," he said. "But many of the stories have been added
in later years. Even some of the places mentioned in mythologies are
there for real. But if the setu is a natural phenomenon, it is not the
job of the ASI to protect it."
The NASA photos and their VHP interpretation have been more
controversial. NASA had disowned the VHP interpretation of its
photograph. The affidavit pointed out that "NASA has publicly clarified
that although these images were taken by NASA spacecraft, NASA is not
responsible for any interpretations made by third parties of such
images. It is submitted that NASA has further clarified that images of
the area were being captured for several years and no scientific
discovery had been made so far in respect of the origins of the
formation known as Adam's Bridge."
NASA had also referred to the formation as a 'tombolo' which "may be
described as a sand bar or sand spit, which forms a narrow piece of
land between an island or offshore rock and a mainland shore, or
between two islands of offshore rocks.... Tombolos are naturally
occuring formations and can be found at several places across the
globe" like the ones in Dorset in England, Stockton Island in
Wisconsin, US, Mont. Saint-Michel in Normandy, France, and Yasawa
Islands in Fiji. So the ASI submitted that "in the light of the
scientific study conducted, the said formation cannot... be said to be
a man-made structure. The same is merely a sand and coral formation
which cannot be said to be of historical, archaeological or artistic
interest or importance."
At the same time, the ASI affidavit was not exactly dismissive of
myths. "... In a country as rich in cultural and historical diversity
as India which has an established history ranging over nearly 9,000
years, the line between myth and reality is often obliterated. However,
the Answering Respondents [the ASI] are bound to adopt a completely
neutral and objective approach in the performance of their duties. It
is only with due exercise of such detachment and objectivity that
matters such as the instant case can be dealt with, particularly in the
light of the various ramifications of a decision either to declare or
deny the existence of a structure of
historical/cultural/artistic/archaeological relevance."
Jha believes that at the centre of the issue is ASI's autonomy. "The
ASI had been spineless for some time," he said. "It had just got its
spine back, when the government has taken it back." Its archaeologists
agree that their autonomy is limited ever since the ASI was declared a
science and technology department in 1989 and IAS officers came to head
the body, once headed by some of the world's most renowned
archaeologists. "However, we should be allowed to have the autonomy in
formulating the scientific views on issues," said an archaeologist.
ASI officials also point out that they had tried to balance between the
discipline of science and the demands of political expediency even
during the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance government. For
instance, when Murli Manohar Joshi, then human resource development
minister, declared that "temple-like structures" had been recovered
from what was believed to be Krishna's Dwaraka, the archaeologists had
discreetly distanced themselves from Joshi's interpretation. "The
governments, be it the BJP's or the Congress's, think of ASI only as a
government department," said Jha. "They forget that the ASI is also a
body of trained professionals who have to give scientific opinion. That
is why, as a historian, I don't find anything wrong in the affidavit.
By giving such an opinion, the ASI had redeemed its bad reputation.
Unfortunately, it has now been prevented from that."
Bridge and the toll
Prabhakaran Paleri
When a strategic decision gives way to politics and sceptical
appreciations, the public finds it difficult to understand. The
Sethusamudram project is one such decision. On one side the idea
epitomises the chak de will of India by breathing life for a century
and half. On the other it auto runs the drag down menu to delete in a
'chuck de' jinx.
In 1860, when Commander Taylor of India marines conceived the idea of
making a navigable channel by linking the Gulf of Mannar with the Palk
Bay, he had a reason that is still valid-to join peninsular India in
the southeast in a subliminal feeling of closeness and reach. Was
Taylor influenced by the just-started Suez Canal Project (April 28,
1859)?
With this historical underpinning, the project is officially on after
the Prime Minister inaugurated it in Madurai on July 2, 2005. In spite
of continuing opposition-diplomatic assertions from Sri Lanka,
apprehensive admonitions from environmentalists and fishers,
intellectual discourses, and vociferous arguments from the political
genre of differing fronts and faiths-the project moved on. The
government incorporated deviations to accommodate people's will and
sentiments. Changing the alignment to prevent breaching of the Adam's
Bridge (the shallows at the interface of the gulf and the bay) that the
believers think is Rama Setu was one such submission. Taking cognisance
of human sentiments is vital to governance. A prudent government
understands it.
The project is a maritime magnum opus that any government had attempted
so far in India, the British included. While it is not part of a
defence strategy, it could offer considerable support in handling
security issues and projecting the nation's capability to the outside
world. Today, India has sufficient reasons to be cautious in its
strategic assessment on a minute-to-minute basis rather than the usual
annual approach before budgeting. Of course, Sethusamudram is not a
panacea for all the evils India face. It could offer tremendous support
in the nation's pursuit to contain them.
The channel will connect the bay and the gulf as a single entity for
movement. That will positively impact on commercial, fisheries, energy,
environmental and security-related activities. Considering these are
designated historic waters between India and Sri Lanka under the UNCLOS
(United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, 1982), the share is
exclusive to both the countries along the median line. Historically,
countries contiguous to commercial shipping channels have benefited
substantially. There could be apprehensions on security, safety,
environment, resource-exploitation and even the economic viability of
the project. The channel should be able to limit the unlawful
activities in the Palk Bay and the Gulf of Mannar since the existing
maritime MCSR regime (monitoring, control, surveillance and response)
will naturally get upgraded once the channel is commissioned. There
will be more effective control over unlawful activities, fisheries
issues, energy exploration and environment in the area that will be
better administered in the wake of the shipping channel. Both Tuticorin
and Colombo ports and the secondary ports between Chennai and
Nagapattinam stand to benefit.
Safety of shipping and the channel itself could be a major issue. An
accident can block the channel for a long time in the absence of quick
clearing response machinery. India is notoriously incompetent in the
field of maritime salvage and support. It has been noted by the inquiry
committee in the incident related to the platform explosion in the
Mumbai High North (MHN) in July 2005. Sethusamudram shipping channel
may increase demand for setting up professional maritime salvage
industry in India.
The economics of the channel will depend entirely on the vacillating
shipping demand and marketing by the government. But there is a
possibility that it may boost long-range coastal shipping by
traditional vessels.
All these, if the project survives; but, as said, Project Sethusamudram
has an uncanny knack of deceiving time. That is good news.
The writer is former Coast Guard chief.
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