The Bali talks on
threshing out a successor to the Kyoto protocol have turned out to be a
disappointment. It is of course true that eleventh-hour developments
forced the negotiators to agree on a road map to finalise an agreement
by 2009, well before the Kyoto protocol expires in 2012. But the way
the proceedings went and the stands taken by different country-groups
do not inspire much confidence in either the smooth conduct of future
talks, or the emergence of a final consensus. The real disappointment
is that the meet had to drop the proposal, put forth by the European
Union and backed by the developing countries, stipulating 25 to 40 per
cent reduction in greenhouse gas emissions by the industrialised
nations by 2020. That would have provided a basis for future
negotiations to chalk out a suitable action plan, keeping in view the
do-or-die nature of the task at hand. After all, the evidence of global
warming has already begun to surface with the decade 1998-2007 having
been documented as the warmest on record, causing weather extremes,
droughts and floods the world over. Without binding commitments, and
with all countries having increased their carbon emissions after Kyoto
(the direct opposite of the reductions agreed to), it is hard to signal
progress of the kind that was needed.
On the positive side, Bali saw two of the world’s major polluters which
had hitherto opted out of the Kyoto accord, the US and Australia, fall
in line, with the latter even ratifying the Kyoto protocol. Though the
US again chose to play the villain’s role and had, at the end, to be
cornered and bullied into taking a U-turn on its stand of not budging
on the imposition of binding commitments on the developing countries,
its participation in the talks is not without significance. The best
that can be said is that, by the time a final treaty is ready for
approval, a new US administration will be in place. The other major
gain of the meet was to sharpen the focus on the transfer of clean, or
rather green, technology and the ways to meet the costs. The trade
ministers, who were involved in climate change talks for the first
time, failed to arrive at any agreement on whether such technology
transfer should be treated as aid or export, but the issue is now
firmly on the agenda. There is every possibility that the present
carbon trading-based clean development mechanism (CDM) will be suitably
revamped for the benefit of the developing countries; also, one can
look forward to the creation, ultimately, of an adaptation fund through
a 2 per cent levy on credits earned from the CDM for financing
investment in clean technology generation.
These are limited gains, but even they have been possible only because
street opinion in the developed countries is now aware of the problem
of climate change, and this has forced governments to fall in line.
However, there is no acceptance as yet that the emission levels of the
developed countries are way beyond the earth’s tolerance limits, and
that major lifestyle and/or technological changes are required in quick
order. When this consciousness grows, climate change conferences will
get even more contentious.
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