For most Indians, Labour Day not only brings back
memories of
fiery trade unionists such as the late Datta Samant, but also serves as
a reminder of the sweeping changes in the country’s polity that have
transformed workplaces and lessened the relevance of old methods of
agitation.
After the government began economic
reforms in
1991, it was only a matter of time before individual negotiations began
replacing collective agitation as a tool to protect the rights of
workers, thus limiting the growth of trade unions. Also, the new
economy offered a built-in protection as more employers meant more
options for many workers.

Nothing, perhaps, underlines the
inevitability of this shift more
than the pro-privatization policies of the Communist government in West
Bengal.
The emergence of coalition politics—that ended the
decades-old single-party domination in India—further reduced the scope
of political support that sustained labour agitations. The inability of
a single party or even a single coalition to rule for long also
reinforced negotiation rather than protest as a tool.
As the
clashes between workers and auto union leaders at the Honda and Toyota
plants in the past few years show, unions are less formidable now,
although they continue to survive.
What began as a demand for
8-hour workday way back in 1886 in Chicago, came to be observed in most
countries as Labour Day or International Workers’ Day. May Day has also
been a rallying point for Indian trade unions, like their counterparts
across the world.
Trade unions have traditionally been formed
by employees in the organized sector. Datta Samant, for instance, led a
massive strike in 1982 for over a year for better wages and working
conditions for employees of Mumbai’s textile mills.
However,
the organized sector did not grow as fast as the unorganized sector,
which is not represented by unions. “Between 2000 and 2005, 60 million
new jobs were created in the country, of which only nine million were
in the organized sector, and that too, on an informal, contractual
basis,” said K.P. Kannan, member of National Commission for Enterprises
in the Unorganized Sector.
New businesses brought in new
practices, too. “The employee was so central and important to the IT
industry that it never displayed the iron fist of management that
characterized the traditional brick-and-mortar industries,” said
Jaswinder Ghumman, country manager for Zenta, an outsourcing firm that
focuses on credit card and real estate services. “That doesn’t happen
if bargaining power is with the employee in the first place,” said
Ghumman. “A software programmer has the project on his mind. It’s best
to finish the project with the same people on it.”
In 2002,
when the labour ministry last verified numbers, it identified 11
central trade union organizations, orCTUOs, compared with 12 in 1989.
CTUOs are umbrella organizations of trade unions that have affiliates
spread over at least four states and four industries, with at least
500,000 members.
The right-wing Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh, or
BMS, the biggest of the lot with 6.2 million members, is affiliated to
the Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh. It rejects the ideology of class
struggle central to Left-wing unions. Ensuring some stability in the
tenure of contract workers tops its agenda. “The Special Economic Zones
Act and foreign direct investment in retail, which is depriving
livelihoods of farmers, are also areas of concern,” said Lakshmana
Reddy, general secretary of BMS.
The Indian National Trade
Union Congress, or Intuc, which has around 3.8 million members, is
affiliated to the Congress party. It has taken up the cause of
unorganized sector workers, as well as demanding a national minimum
wage instead of different wages set by state governments.
“Expansion
of the pension system for organized sector workers is also on our
agenda. Pension must be at least Rs7,000 per month. And provident fund
deductions should be 15% instead of 12% of the salary,” said Intuc
president Sanjeeva Reddy.
Formed in 1920, the All India Trade
Union Congress, or Aituc, the oldest central trade union organization
in the country, has around 3.3 million members, with Hind Mazdoor Sabha
close behind with 3.2 million and the Left-backed Centre for Indian
Trade Unions, or Citu, following with about 2.6 million members.
“Our
goal is unification of workers to advance class struggle and
international solidarity to combat the advance of imperialism,” said
M.K. Pandhe, president of Citu.
“There are new ways of
organizing and bargaining in the new economy, where bargaining has
become an individual process and the role of unions as agents for wage
negotiation is changing,” said J. John, editor of
Labour File,
a bimonthly journal on labour and economic affairs.
While
John summed up the challenge for the trade unions, Kamal M. Chenoy,
professor at Jawaharlal Nehru University, said: “I don’t believe the
trade union movement will fizzle out. One case for them is to bring
about a collaboration between trade unions in the unorganized sector
and landless labour unions since they have common interests.”
Not
surprisingly then, most central trade unions have already started
talking about the unorganized sector. But unions may also survive
because of their capacity to mobilize heads for political causes.
“Nowadays, when there is a workers’ agitation, no one knows the
name of
the trade union they belong to. Rather the agitation is attributed to
the political party to which the union belongs,” said Umraomal Purohit,
general secretary of the Hind Mazdoor Sabha.
http://www.livemint.com/2008/05/01225702/Looking-back-looking-ahead-on.html
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