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H02
The Deccan Herald, Bangalore, 06 Jun 2008
Politics of intolerance Reality of migration
S L Rao
Governments are duty bound to give equal protection to a migrant from any state as they do to someone born there.

My father migrated to Bombay from Tamil Nadu in 1922 to earn a living. We are Kannadigas. Yet my father ensured that his family learnt fluent Marathi. My brother participated in the Samyukta Maharashtra movement to keep Bombay in Maharashtra.

The Shiv Sena soon began expelling Kannadigas (especially Udupi restaurant owners and people like us) and Malayalees, to retain jobs for Maharashtrians. After the Shiv Sena recognised that such hostility would not win elections, they morphed into a very pro-Hindu and anti-Muslim party.

The present agitation against migrants from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar is similar. Marathi speakers alone did not make Bombay the commercial capital of India. The mass of Parsees, Gujaratis, Bohris, Khojas, Mangaloreans, Tamils, Kannadigas, Malayalees, Sindhis and many others, did. Even Marathi speakers are migrants to Bombay. The original inhabitants are East Indians. So who is a real local: a Maharashtrian whose mother tongue is Marathi, an inhabitant of Maharashtra, speakers of Marathi (like my father’s family), owners of  property there, or those with Marathi speaking spouses? And what about Deshasthas who claim to be Marathi speaking, but a mixture of Tamil, Kannada and Marathi?

In 1955, the States Reorganisation Commission had to sort out Bombay and Bangalore. Neither had majority Marathi or Kannada speaking population. Bombay was the commercial capital of India. Ultimately, because of political agitation, Y B Chavan gave Bombay to Maharashtra. The Commission could not also conceive of giving Bangalore to Andhra, though there were more Telugu speaking in Bangalore. It went to Karnataka; instead Hindupur went to Andhra. 

Our Constitution guarantees freedom of movement to any Indian, and the right to visit and reside anywhere (unless there are military restrictions as in Kashmir or parts of the North East). This migration is widespread. State governments are duty bound to give equal protection to a migrant from any Indian state to another, as to someone born there. Migration has altered the linguistic composition of many cities. Delhi is today mostly a Punjabi-speaking city. Bangalore after the IT boom is even less of a Kannada speaking city. Much of property is owned by non-Kannadigas.

In rural Punjab and Haryana, migrants from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh provide much needed farm labour as local youth avoid farming. They even import brides from Kerala and elsewhere because of the shortage of females due to female foeticide and infanticide. Bangalore has seen some agitation against migrants. But many migrants to Punjab and Haryana have been beaten, even killed. Neither the state nor central governments have taken any action.

Yet no state (unlike Moscow and other cities), has tried to introduce permits for internal migrants. Indeed we have also not prevented illegal migration of unknown millions, mostly Bangladeshi Muslims. They have changed the linguistic and communal profile of Assam and added large Bengali speaking and Muslim voting blocks in Delhi and other major cities. Poor governance in many states, and political compromises encourage such violations of the Constitution. 

Linguistic chauvinism is everywhere. Belgium has been on the verge of breaking up because of conflict between French, Dutch and German speaking populations. Pakistan has wars between the ruling Punjabi elites and Sindhis, Pashtoons, etc. The massacre of the Bengali speaking population of East Bengal, primarily on ground of linguistic differences, resulted in Bangladesh. The United States is poised for similar conflicts as Spanish speaking immigrants begin to dominate large parts of the country.

Our political parties, their leadership and governments must protect freedom of movement and residence and punish violations. The Congress party and the Left, do not do so, for electoral gains and fear of electoral consequences. Bala Saheb Thackeray goes scot free despite violent statements against linguistic and communal minorities. His nephew, Raj Thackeray attacks Biharis to build his base in Marathi chauvinism.

West Bengal and the central government failed to protect Taslima Nasreen in Kolkata despite her valid visa. Maharashtra has not punished perpetrators of violence against Bihari migrants. Punjab or Haryana have not acted firmly against violence on migrant Bihari and Oriya labour. Assam has not protected non-Assamese from violence by Assamese speakers. These governments thus subvert the Constitution.

In the west, French school children are forbidden from displaying outward symbols of religion: The hijab, turban, kirpan, a cross, etc. In Britain there is a tightening of English language requirements. In the US, there are similar tougher language and other requirements.

Electronic media escalates the situation by repetitive pictures of violence and agitation. The tension spreads to other parts of India. Given its power, none dare criticise the media when they indulge in such provocative reporting.

We must also think how we can ensure assimilation of internal migrants. In an open and free society as provided by our Constitution, immigrants (whether from other states or outside India) must voluntarily conform to local cultural norms, learn the local language and understand local customs, if they are to avoid provocation of locals.

Leaders of India’s internal migrant communities should help their migrants and especially children in this, before it becomes mandatory.




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