Debabrata
Bandyopadhyay, director of land records and surveys in two United Front
governments in West Bengal during the late 1960s, is widely recognised
for his contributions to land-reform policy.
Anindya Bhattacharya: The
National Agricultural Commission recently submitted a report to the New
Delhi government in which it cautions against the SEZ policy and the
wanton acquisition of fertile lands. Yet the West Bengal government has
been acquiring acre after acre of fertile land in the name of setting
up industries. What is the importance of agriculture in a country like
India?
Debabrata Bandyopadhyay: In
October 2006, I met M S Swaminathan soon after he submitted that report
to the union government. In his report, he discourages
industrialisation and urbanisation from taking place on agricultural
lands. He also adds that if productive lands are bought up or occupied
and the farmers lose their jobs, this will not only put the farmers
themselves in peril, but could also lead to significant food scarcity.
This issue clearly needs further study before far-reaching decisions
can be made. A country can never prosper by encroaching on farmland, by
rendering farmers jobless or shelter-less, or by increasing food
scarcity. For the development of a country, there should be no
collateral damage: it is not acceptable to harm many people for the
benefit of a few. If that is done forcibly, there will be a conflict,
either non-violent or violent.
Bhattacharya: In this context, the
Tatas’ rigidity about the vehicle factory in Singur is striking. Why
are they so unyielding about setting up their factory there? And why is
the West Bengal government also insisting on that location?
Bandyopadhyay: This can only
be answered by the Tatas and the state government. The land that is to
be acquired by the government contains two irrigation canals, about 50
deep tube wells, and yields four to five large crops every year. A
farmer’s net income from these multiple crops from one bigha of land
[about 1330 square metres] is around 30,000 rupees. The marginal and
small-scale farmers who posses one acre of land have an annual net
income ranging from 80,000 to 100,000 rupees. These farmers are not
rich, but can at least be considered moderately affluent. If this land
were to be taken away, many suggest that 11,000 people would suddenly
be jobless. How many of these would then get jobs in Tata Motors? Both
the state government and the Tatas are silent on the answer to this
question. If we assume that 300 to 400 would be employed, they will be
technocrats, graduate engineers and technicians, including outsiders.
Is this coherent social cost-benefit analysis? In Bengal, where the
unemployment problem is already so severe, it is financially and
morally unethical to make someone unemployed without making any
additional provision for employment.
Bhattacharya: Some say that the
problems arising out of land acquisition will be resolved through
adequate compensation.
Bandyopadhyay: To a farmer,
land is his livelihood. The government can compensate for the loss of
property, but the Land Acquisition Act does not utter a word about
compensation for unemployment. It is worth noting that even the World
Bank has been opposing forcible acquisition that results in loss of
land, increased unemployment, migration, shortage of foods and the
like. Instead, the World Bank recommends that those in market economics
should buy land on the open market. The Tatas are the old capitalists
of India, but instead of the open market they want to acquire lands
cheaply through the government. According to media reports, the
government is offering compensation at a rate of six lakh rupees per
acre. If it is assumed that the notional price of land today is 18 lakh
per acre, then each land owner is personally offering a subsidy of 10
lakh rupees per acre to the Tatas. Is this a policy of denying
socialism or denying market economy?
http://www.himalmag.com/2008/january/spl_report_interview.html