A determined action has
marked the beginning of the end of “the POSCO era” – a particularly
sinister period characterised by Orissa government's support of a
corporate land-siege which threatens to rob farmers, forest dwellers
and indigenous people of their lives, livelihood, and cultural
heritage, writesElisabeth Abeson from Orissa's Jagatsinghpura
The Indian state of Orissa observes its foundation day on April 1.
Rather than partaking in traditional statehood formation celebrations
this year, many Orissians spent the day rallying to resist the
government-backed hand-over of their land to a foreign multinational
corporation (MNC). This protest took on additional significance given
the fact that state higher-ups and the South Korean steel giant,
POSCO, had initially planned to lay the foundation stone of one of its
plants on the very same day. However, due, in part, to public
resistance they decided to cancel their plans – allowing the protest to
take centre-stage. Under the leadership of Abhay Sahu, president of
POSCO Pratirodh Sangram Samiti (PPSS), anti-POSCO protesters peacefully
gathered on April 1st, 2008 at Balitutha, Orissa to ”protect our
motherland from the onslaught of multinationals and uphold the
movement’s pledge to control our homeland and its resources.”
In addition to bearing the dubious credentials of being a Special
Economic Zone (SEZ) and one of Orissa’s many steel plants which is
displacing its people, POSCO is also India’s largest foreign direct
investment (FDI) to date. While vested interests tout FDI as being the
means through which “under-developed” India will “modernise” and reach
its “full potential”, the movement remains unimpressed. Prafulla
Samantara, president of the Orissa unit of Lok Shakti Abhiyan, states,
“foreign direct investment in the name of development through
industrialisation is nothing but expansion of capitalist imperialism to
exploit natural resources.”
The POSCO project, for example, will force 20,000 people to lose 6,000
acres of agricultural land which yields cash-crops including beetle
leaves for their thriving paan industry, cashews and pisciculture.
According to Samantara, these are, “critical sources of livelihood
which are unique to this area and hence irreplaceable.” What makes this
particular land-grab all the more sinister is that the affected area
supports a self-sustaining and thriving local economy3. Removing
villagers from their land would turn them into paupers – rendering them
as destitute and powerless as those who accepted POSCO’s resettlement
and rehabilitation (R&R) package. In fact, on May 12, 2008, the 52
families of Patana village in Dhinkia panchayat who accepted the
package threatened to commit self-immolation in front of the chief
minister’s residence at Bhubaneswar unless their demands are met by the
company and the administration. According to “The Statesman”, one of
India’s oldest English-language newspapers, the people have long been
suffering as a result of POSCO and the government’s inability to uphold
their promises to those who accepted their rehabilitation package.
Cited examples include poorly constructed makeshift homes which were
destroyed by a thunderstorm, failure to uphold the company’s promise to
educate the displaced families’ children, no drinking water source and
short-changing families of their maintenance fees.
Indeed, the quality of life for those who accepted POSCO’s
rehabilitation package pales in comparison to those who have clung to
their land. An overnight stay in Dhinkia revealed that the village is
blessed with a unique soil that yields aplenty for its people and
livestock. Why then, one might ask, would the government of a country
facing a food security crisis hand over the self-sustaining lands of
its people to a foreign MNC? In addition to destroying the livelihood
of those it displaced, such reckless action would also pose a threat to
surrounding communities via environmental degradation, pollution and
water diversion.
Amid such grim spectre, the April 1st protest, (refered to as “Bikalp
Samabesh”), drew a broad spectrum of people including those led by Nav
Nirman Samiti, Rashtriya Yuva Sangathan, local opposition political
party leaders, Sarovadya leaders, Satyagrahis, social activists and
environmentalists. Held at the historic site where the government had
bombed peaceful anti-POSCO protesters and torched their tents on
November 29, 2007, the villagers and their supporters defied Section
144, undeterred by the presence of thousands of armed policemen. The
march and rally were masterfully led by Abhay Sahu and other organisers
who planned the convergence of hundreds of villagers at Balitutha.
Protesters arrested earlier that morning for peacefully gathering in
defiance of Section 144, joined the action after being released –
signalling a victory of sorts.
For a brief but powerful time on April 1, 2008, India’s anti-people
development policy was overturned by those it sought to victimise. By
refusing to transfer control of their resources and livelihood to a
foreign multinational, anti-POSCO Orissians held on steadfastly to what
was rightfully theirs. In the face of state-sponsored repression, the
people were victorious: POSCO withdrew its own foundation stone laying
programme and the people held their rally. This renewed the vigour of
those who have been resisting POSCO’s land-siege. As a result, several
“pro-POSCO” families joined the struggle, bolstering the local
opposition movement. Indeed, the events of April 1st prove that the
people are forever resolved to retain their land. Yet the question that
arises is, “Where do we go from here?” How can we build momentum and
transform April 1st into the beginning of the end of a draconian era
for the inhabitants of POSCO-affected Orissa? We need to correctly
frame this struggle as one about resource retention rather than
displacement. In this way, we can address the core issues, send
corrective messages to the offenders and rally support accordingly.
Nikunj Bhutia from Orissa Bachao Andolan stated, “this struggle is not
about displacement versus industry, but democratic resource control.
The POSCO project is not happening in isolation, it is part of a
general move to seize resources from communities and use them for the
benefit of big industry. The economic growth that results will not
benefit anyone except for the private corporations involved. If people
have control over their resources, they will shape economic policy so
as to strengthen the base of the economy and the livelihood of the
poor.” And, if the people don’t have control – well, then things would
look like they currently do in Orissa.
Given the situation outlined above, it seems appropriate to remind the
Government of India of its mandate to support the well-being of its
people. According to Bhutia, This can only happen when people’s control
over resources is institutionalised and, therefore, respected." Is it
too much to expect a country’s government to deliver on its mission of
respecting the interests of its citizens? Shouldn’t the government
protect the lives and livelihood of its people rather than the
investment portfolio of a foreign steel mill? If this is too much to
ask, then Bharat (i.e. India) might as well be sold to the highest
bidder.
There are other questions to ask, other messages to send to those who
have been noticeably absent from the movement to date. Among them are
the judiciary who have chosen to protect the interests of nameless,
faceless MNCs rather than their own peoples. According to human rights
lawyer, Colin Gonsalves, “the judges need to take a stand. The
government has taken a stand and it has been on the side of the MNCs.
It is time for the judiciary to support the people.” While it may sound
like a natural inclination for the judiciary to support its people’s
interests over those of a foreign steel giant, the events of the past
three years suggest otherwise.
According to the movement, two issues, in particular, need be raised.
The first is the court’s tendency to address the economic and
environmental suitability of projects, rather than its legal aspects.
As Shankar Gopalakrishnan, a prominent activist, states, “the judiciary
should be focusing on upholding the rule of law and the fundamental
rights of those living there which is its function in a liberal
democracy. The court is ignoring its constitutional function, failing
its duty to the people of the area and instead behaving like it has
been appointed the arbiter of India's resources.”
Of equal concern is that the court appears to be considering the merits
of the POSCO project on its own, without any representation by those
who oppose it. According to Nikunj Bhutia, the POSCO project is an
excellent example of what is wrong with the court's behaviour in the
Godavarman case, “No opposition in the Godavarman case means that the
court is ignoring many applicable statutes – such as the Forest Rights
Act, under which many of those who would be displaced are entitled to
rights. If the intention of the court is to protect the environment, it
can do that far better by allowing the normal machinery of government
to function and fulfil its role when it is approached, rather than
arrogating for itself regulatory powers that it has neither the
capacity nor the mandate to exercise.” Prafulla Samantara, president,
Lok Shakti Abhiyan, Orissa unit, underscores the above, noting: “The
draconian process of land acquisition by the government destroys the
democratic fabric of our Constitution. It is not possible to accept a
coercive development model or a project at the cost of freedom and
democracy. This has been proven during the last three years of people's
struggle against the POSCO project.”
While rejection of the “coercive development model” was proven over the
last three years, no other single day signifies the peoples’
renouncement more aptly than April 1st , 2008. It will be recorded as a
red letter day in Orissa -- a day on which people celebrated their
right to land, livelihood and heritage. It will become known as the day
on which the last ‘chapter’ in the POSCO era started – a day which
marked a turning point in favour of those who tenaciously clung to what
was theirs despite being betrayed by government, the judiciary and
other corporate-influenced communities who placed profit over the
well-being of the people. While it may take time to close this
‘chapter’ of Orissa’s history in the peoples' favour, the movement can
take refuge in the following words of Prafulla Samantara: "It is a fact
that the people's power will win over corporate hegemony in a
democracy." The sooner we collectively acknowledge this, the earlier we
can focus on returning nature’s gift to its rightful owners and sending
this particular arbiter of capitalist imperialism back to South Korea.
Perhaps then, reconciliation can begin within Bharat, ...and within
those who once took an oath on behalf of its people.
– The writer is a Business & Human Rights specialist from the
United States who visited POSCO affected villages of Orissa as part of
an ongoing project to document the negative ramifications of
corporate-led globalisation in India.
Endnotes
1 POSCO: Pohang Iron and Steel Company, Ltd.
2 Quotation by Abhay Sahu, President of POSCO Pratirodh Sangram Samiti
(PPSS)
3 This information has been paraphrased from “Report of an Independent
Fact Finding Team on Orissa’s POSCO Project”. Bijulal MV, Manshi Asher,
Sridev Panikkar and Sumit Chakravartty, p.4
4 Section 144: Section 144 of the Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC)
empowers a district government to issue orders in public interest that
may place a ban on an activity for a specific period of time. In the
POSCO context, Section 144 was clamped at Balitutha as a means to
prevent crowds from assembling in protest on April 1, 2008.
5 “Godavarman v the Union of India” is known as the ‘forest case’ which
has been heard in the Supreme Court since 1995. Given the fact that the
case will dictate the fate of India’s forests and an estimated 10
million indigenous tribal people who live in and off the forest, its
outcome is of direct importance to the anti-POSCO struggle.
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