Step into Jharkahnd’s Tentoposi
village in Seraikela district and you will be greeted with hostile
glances. Sitting on rich mineral reserves of iron ore, residents of
this village are constantly under the fear of displacement and loss of
livelihood sources.
Tata Steel has already announced that it will set up a 12-million tonne
integrated steel plant in the area at an investment of Rs 42,000 crore
and has signed mou with the state government.
The villagers suspect that there are people lurking around the village
to usurp their land.
Hence, they are on alert. They have created a security cordon around
the village. Volunteers, wielding bows and arrows, guard the barricaded
village at all hours. No government official or a media person is
allowed in.
Similar security cordons are common in Hazaribagh’s Karanpura valley.
According to the state industries department, the valley has huge coal
reserves; its Punkhri-Barwadih coal block alone has deposits of 1,400
million tonnes of thermal grade coal. Industries, including the
National Thermal Power Corporation (ntpc), a public sector giant, have
placed bids to mine the area. ntpc plans to set up a coal-fuelled power
plant here. The project also envisages opencast mining to extract 15
million tones of coal a year, which is likely to displace 14,000
people—belonging to the Santhal, Ho and Munda tribes.
There are several other companies eying the rich mineral deposits of
this tribal-dominated state. Since the state was carved out of Bihar in
2000, the state government has signed 44 mous with companies like
Arcelor Mittal, Tata and Jindal for mega industrial ventures worth Rs
198,362.26 crore.
These prospective investors will acquire over 45,000 hectares and
eventually displace more than 1,000,000 people, mostly from the east
and west Singhbhum and Seraikela-Kharswan region, says Xaviar Dias,
coordinator of Bindrai Institute of Research Study and Action (birsa),
a Jharkhand-based tribal rights group.
Recent incidents at Singur (in West Bengal) and Kalinganagar (in
Orissa) have incensed the tribals more. They have vowed to sacrifice
their lives to protect their land rather than vacate it for industrial
development. All villages where the industrial giants have announced to
set up projects are currently under the vigilance of more than 60
tribal organizations. Under the banner of Jharkhand Mines Area
Coordination Committee (jmacc), these groups have announced a battle
against mining and displacement. “The minerals will be tainted with
blood if any of these companies dare to acquire even an inch of tribal
land,” says Puneet Minz, general secretary of jmacc. Minz refuses to
divulge names or any information about the tribal groups involved in
the anti-displacement movement. “Police and the state machinery are
after us. Once we disclose the names, they will be either picked up or
tortured to quit the movement,” says Minz.
Movement in the making
The state government says the investments will help the state achieve
its economic development goals. But the tribal groups have lost faith
in the government, particularly after it signed the mous with the
industrial giants without preparing a rehabilitation and resettlement
(r&r) policy. Jharkhand still follows the rehabilitation policy of
the Bihar government. The tribal groups also blame the government for
repeatedly ignoring people’s opinion while leasing out land for mining.
jmacc has released a list of eight public hearings, where the
industrial giants received support from the government machinery to get
the tribal opinion in their favour (see box: Public hearing facades).
“In Jharkhand, the government is the lawbreaker. The Chhottanagpur
Tenancy Act, 1908, prohibits sell or transfer of land in scheduled
areas to non-tribals. Then why is the government signing mous with
mining companies,” says Minz.
jmacc has chalked out a clear strategy to not let any mining company to
set up projects in the state. It has already gone ahead alerting and
educating people about how the companies cheat the displaced and has
imposed a ‘janta curfew’ (a ban on entry of outsiders) in 30 villages
where the industries have proposed to set up their projects. It is also
pressing the state government to carry out a detailed survey of the
displaced tribals and to frame the r&r policy with their consensus.
It has urged the central government to include tribal people’s right to
land in the central r&r policy.
Industrial biggies and their proposed
projects
The state government and the industries are aware of the magnitude and
seriousness of the tribal movement that is in the offing. “There is
skepticism whenever the issue of displacement arises because of a new
venture. We are a company that invests prominently in the social
sector. Tata Steel will develope the village,” said Prabhat Sharma,
senior manager, corporate communication of Tata Steel. The state
industry minister, Sudhir Mahato, says he is aware of the disgruntled
tribal groups. “The industry department has nearly completed the
r&r policy, which will be tabled before the cabinet in a month or
two. It will address all contentious issues… and curb exploitation
during displacement,” Mahato said.
Alternative to industries
The tribal groups involved in the movement refuse to be swayed by the
assurances. The movement is not just to evade the problem of
displacement, says Dias. We are committed not to let an inch of land go
into the hands of industries, he says. jmacc has prepared a blueprint
of how to earn the maximum revenue from the existing mines without
leading to further exploitation.
“The existing mines of coal, iron ore, bauxite and other minerals are
enough to bring fortune. The government just needs to treat minerals on
the lines of the international oil cartel, the Organization of the
Petroleum of Exporting Countries, and sell them directly in the
international market. The central government should take an initiative
in this direction. Or else, even if industrial giants like the Mittals
pour in Rs 40,000 crore to establish plants in Jharkhand, it will be a
bad deal for the state,” says Minz.
As of now, jmacc and the tribal groups are aware of the confrontations
lying ahead. But they are sure of winning the battle and say: we are
not going to part with our jal, jangal and jamin.
Public hearing facades
» UCIL’s bauxite mine project: Assistance from rapid action force was
sought to conduct public hearing. No environmental issue was taken up
during the hearing
» Tata’s iron ore mine extension project: Tata blocked roads leading to
the hearing venue, Noamundi village, with the help of the district
administration. It passed off its employees as local residents
» Jindal’s bauxite mine project: Hearing was held at Bishnupur, far
away from the proposed site. Many people could not reach the venue.
Jindal distributed money to get consensus in its favour
» Hindalco’s Orsapat bauxite mine project: The hearing was deliberately
organized at Netarhat forest guest house--70 km from the proposed site.
People reached the venue after trekking the forest for two days. They
were too tired to participate in the hearing
» NTPC’s coal mine project: The venue scheduled for the public hearing
was changed at the last moment and the hearing was held 12 hours before
scheduled time. NTPClodged an FIR against protesters
» Avijeet Infrastructure Group’s coal mine project: The public hearing
venue was far away from the project site. People couldn’t attend
» AIMTA’s Badam coal mine & Nico’s Motra coal mine project:
Hearings were scheduled in collector’s office. Venue were changed after
protests, but organizers didn’t turn up
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