CED Documentation is for your personal reference and study only
L53a
The Statesman, Delhi, 22 Sep 2008
The riot act
Amulya Ganguli
The involvement of the VHP and the Bajrang Dal in the “nationalists vs Muslim separatists” agitation in Jammu and Kashmir and in the “nationalists vs Christian proselytisers” riots in Orissa underlined a change in the composition and targets of the saffron stormtroopers. In an earlier period, it was the RSS which led the charge against the alleged aliens. A look at the inquiry commission reports on communal outbreaks will point to its role. For instance, the Jitendra Narain commission probing the Jamshedpur riots of 1979 stated that it was “of the view that the RSS, with its extensive organisation in Jamshedpur ... and close links with the Jan Sangh and the Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh, had a positive hand in creating a climate which was most propitious for the outbreak of the communal disturbances”.

The conspiracy

Similarly, the commission inquiring into the Tellichery riots of 1971 said that the “RSS had taken an active part in raising anti-Muslim feelings amongst the Hindus of Tellichery and in preparing the background for the disturbances”. In his autobiography, A Life of Our Times, Rajeshwar Dayal, who was the home secretary of Uttar Pradesh at the time of Partition, referred to the discovery of steel trunks “crammed with blueprints of great accuracy … prominently marking out the Muslim localities”, and added that “timely raids conducted on the premises of the RSS had brought the massive conspiracy to light”.

Examples can be multiplied of the role of this “cultural” organization in such outbreaks. Of late, however, the RSS seems to have retreated into the background and outsourced the task of creating mayhem to newer outfits like the VHP and the Bajrang  Dal. It is almost as if age - the RSS is in its eighth decade ~ has persuaded the head of the Sangh Parivar to take a rest from its earlier more arduous occupations and act, instead, more as an inspirer and guide to its more energetic followers in the fraternal organisations. It was the VHP and the Bajrang Dal, therefore, which were active in the Gujarat riots of 2002 and more recently in Orissa. Earlier, they were implicated in the assassination of the Christian missionary, Graham Staines, and his two sons in Orissa.

What is noteworthy about this passing of the baton from the RSS to the VHP and the Bajrang Dal is that the BJP may find itself in politically untenable situations as the Parivar’s riot brigade becomes more and more varied, resulting in a lack of Nagpur’s control over their activities. The importance which people like Ashok Singhal and Pravin Togadia, both belonging to the VHP, have gained in recent years and the sharpness of their attacks on Atal Behari Vajpayee and LK  Advani, especially over their failure to build the Ayodhya temple, underline the problems posed by the appearance of different functioning centres of the saffron brotherhood.

The VHP’s role in scuttling Advani’s grandiose plans of a rathyatra from Amarnath focussing on the separatists, and another from the south on the Ram Sethu issue, show how the mushrooming of more saffron outfits may not always be politically merrier. Narendra Modi is one of those who has understood that the objectives of politics and minority-baiting may not always go together, which is why he is known to have distanced himself from Togadia. It is a lesson which may be belatedly dawning on Naveen Patnaik, nine years after he demurely acquiesced in George Fernandes’ and Murli Manohar Joshi’s detection of an “international conspiracy” in the Staines’ murders. Having let the VHP and the Bajrang Dal grow unhindered for more than a decade, the Orissa chief minister is probably now concerned how the tarnishing of the state’s name may cost him a US visa, as in Modi’s case. For a high society lion like him, such a restriction would be a disaster.

But it isn’t only the newer outfits which mark a change from the times when only the RSS, the Jan Sangh and the Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh held the bhagwa dhywaj aloft. That there has also been a change of targets is evident from the way in which Christians have joined the Muslims in being at the receiving end of the Hindutva brigade’s ire. Although Christians were identified as one of the Internal Enemies by Golwalkar, they were No. 2 on the list. (No prizes for guessing who were No. 1).

Two events, however, seem to have led to the saffron focus shifting to the Christians. One was the Babari Masjid demolition and the other was the coming to power of a BJP-led government at the Centre. While the extensive post-demolition riots, which were preceded by the outbreaks during Advani’s rathyatra, seem to have warned the Parivar against further immediate excursions in this field, especially when the government was promising a riot-free, bhhay-mukt samaj, the need to keep the saffron militias engaged made them turn their attention to the Christians.

Christians

There was one difficulty, though. While the Muslims could be pilloried for their medieval atrocities and present-day terrorism, the targeting of Christians required a more innovative approach, especially because they constituted a minuscule proportion of the population. What is more, since their numbers had dwindled from 2.5 per cent to 2.3 per cent, they could not be projected as an imminent threat to Hindu identity such as the Muslims with their putative four wives did ~ hum panch, hamare pachis, as Modi pointed out in his more virulent days.

To get over this difficulty of the paucity of numbers, the Parivar had floated the concept of there being crypto-Christians, who kept their religious identity a secret, but who would take the percentage of followers of the faith to 11 or 12 . Of late, however, this idea has been shelved presumably because it was too weird even by the Sangh’s standards. Instead, conversions are the bugbear which inspires the Hindutva warriors. However, they cannot be unaware that while the targeting of Muslims does not arouse much revulsion because of the prevailing anti-Muslim sentiments among sections of the population, the attacks on Christians can cause widespread unease. A prime minister wannabe, for instance, will feel less elated about the events in Orissa than about what happened in Jammu and Kashmir.




http://www.thestatesman.org/page.arcview.php?date=2008-09-23&usrsess=1&clid=3&id=250313

Copyright @ The Statesman.