By
detaining Binayak Sen for months, is the State sending out an ominous
signal to those who work for human rights?
It is a ploy undertaken by the State, time and again, to browbeat
dissent and distract attention from its own misdeeds. Since May 14 last
year, Binayak Sen, a pediatrician who has quietly dedicated his life to
the service of some of India’s most impoverished communities,
especially indigenous tribes and mine-workers, has been languishing in
Raipur Central Jail in Chattisgarh under trumped-up charges. For his
devoting more than three decades of selfless service to the rural poor,
the State has charged the 58-year-old doctor with sedition and
conspiracy to wage war, for being a “dangerous Naxalite” and for
helping the Maoist movement — charges that could fetch him life
imprisonment.
Although the State seems to find Binayak Sen so dangerous as to keep
him in solitary confinement, denying him bail and basic amenities, the
rest of the world does not. Ironically, even a year ago, only a few
knew about his exceptional work, but in trying to stifle his spirit,
the State has made him famous, and turned him into a hero. After his
imprisonment, Sen has won the 2008 Jonathan Mann Award for Global
Health and Human Rights, becoming the first South Asian to receive this
prestigious award. The appeal by 22 Nobel laureates to the prime
minister to allow Sen to travel to Washington to collect the award on
May 29 left the State unmoved.
Who is Binayak Sen, who poses such a threat to the might of the Indian
State?
He happens to be an outstanding student and distinguished alumnus of
the Christian Medical College, Vellore, and the recipient of numerous
awards, such as the Paul Harrison Award in 2004 and the Keithan gold
medal in 2007. He had a world of options before him. But he belongs to
that breed of medical professionals who believe in using their training
to make their societies better places to live in. Their sincere
involvement in people’s lives helps them to understand and appreciate
the deeper connections between the absence of fundamental human rights
and basic healthcare facilities.
His wife, Ilina, herself a brilliant scholar, is an old school friend.
When I met her after a long time (though our paths had crossed several
times in between because of our involvement with the women’s movement)
the couple had already chosen their calling — to make healthcare
available to those ignored by the government. Sen had left his teaching
job at the Centre for Social Medicine and Community Health at the
Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi to work with rural communities
ravaged by tuberculosis. How could I imagine that this towering yet
soft-spoken doctor with a gentle smile behind his flowing beard, who
listened quietly to our passionate arguments on women’s issues, would
one day be called a “dangerous man”?
The couple were perpetually busy, either with setting up the unique
Shaheed Hospital in Dalli Rajhara in Madhya Pradesh with the help of
mine-workers (where Sen earned Rs 600 a month), running rural clinics,
or training village health workers. In recent years, they had shifted
to Raipur, where they assisted the Chattisgarh government in developing
relevant models of primary healthcare and the innovative Mitanin
programme for village health workers. Slowly but steadily, the rural
infant mortality rate in Chhattisgarh fell to 65 per 1,000 live births
in 2005, from 85 in 2002.
In the last few years, Sen became a thorn in the flesh of the state
administration in Chattisgarh when he linked the ill-health of the
local people to the government’s faulty development policies. Till
then, in the eyes of the administration, he was the “Doctor sahib”; now
he is a ‘‘dangerous activist’’, because he chose to ground his medical
intervention in socio-political reality. When we last met in 2006, he
was visibly agitated about the bizarre war-like situation in the
Chattisgarh region. The adivasis were targeted victims of an aggressive
corporate takeover of land for major mining projects, leading to
mass-scale displacement and increasing malnutrition in the region, with
thousands of children dying of diarrhoea and measles.
In 2005, the state government, in order to counter the increasing
popularity of the Maoists in the Bastar-Dantewada region, had sponsored
and armed the controversial Salwa Judum, a vigilante movement in
southern Chhattisgarh. In the process, tribals were forcibly uprooted
from their land and thrown into miserable camps. Civil rights
organizations had the difficult task of investigating how camps were
mainly set up in local schools and primary health centres. This meant
the shutting down of the only available healthcare or education
services in the already impoverished regions. Salwa Judum action burnt
down villages and attacked adivasis as Naxalite supporters when they
refused to abandon their homes and leave their land uncultivated.
Sen became an ardent critic of Salwa Judum, which had displaced more
than one lakh tribals. As general secretary of the People’s Union for
Civil Liberties, Chattisgarh, he exposed, through his investigative
reports, the unholy nexus between the state government and mining
giants. It is believed that his arrest came in the wake of his
statements regarding the ‘encounter’ killings of adivasis in Santoshpur
in Chattisgarh on March 31, 2007. While the state government claims
that the killings were executed by Naxalites dressed up as police, the
PUCL findings implicate the police and Salwa Judum men.
It is incredible that while the Supreme Court, the Planning Commission,
the tribal affairs and panchayati raj ministries have all questioned
the Salwa Judum and asked for the withdrawal of Central government
support for it, Sen is still having to pay a stiff price for speaking
out against it. Moreover, the charges against him of providing the
imprisoned Maoist leader, Narayan Sanyal, with legal and medical help
are more than suspect. As an office-bearer of the PUCL, Sen met
prisoners, if at all, with the full knowledge and permission of the
deputy superintendent of police.
Sen joins the league of human rights activists who are filling up
Indian jails. These include journalist and civil rights activist Lachit
Bordoloi in Assam, journalist Praful Jha in Chhattisgarh, Govindan
Kutty, the editor of the monthly journal, People’s March, in Kerala,
and fellow-journalist Prashant Rahi in Uttarakhand. These arrests also
raise uncomfortable questions about the misuse of anti-terrorist
legislations — such as the Chattisgarh Public Security Act 2005 and the
Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act 1967 — against human rights
activists to suppress voices of dissent.
The systematic efforts to paint Sen as a dangerous Naxalite is a
deliberate and vengeful act of the State to harass and intimidate him
and send a signal to those working for human rights. There is a serious
need to address the arbitrary manner in which the State quickly moves
against, labels and condemns those involved in seeking social justice
and truth as “Naxalites”. By this yardstick, several intellectuals,
editors, celebrities, and even former members of the Supreme Court
should find themselves behind bars. It cannot be mere coincidence that
many in this country seem to share the Maoists’ views and concerns
about the socio-economic situation of rural communities. Many of us
support local people’s movements even if we do not condone violence as
a means to achieving change. Is Sen’s detention an ominous example set
by the State to bring its critics to heel? It is time the State woke up
to the fact that in suppressing the voices of truth, it is also
stifling the freedom and rights of people who are so crucial to the
functioning of an effective democracy.
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